Showing posts with label Mikhail Bulgakov. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mikhail Bulgakov. Show all posts

Wednesday, 7 December 2011

Hodge's The Collaborators: Collaborating Against Bulgakov

According to Robert Service's Stalin: A Biography (2004), Stalin 'ushered [Mikhail Bulgakov] into the pits of depression. He perished a broken man in freedom in 1940. [...] Unlike Bulgakov, [Akhmatova] endured her situation with lasting fortitude' (p. 307). What, one wonders, did Bulgakov do - or not do - to earn Service's faintly expressed contempt? Not suffer lyrically enough? Not get shot? Die, instead, of an untreatable inherited condition that no dictator could have inflicted (unless Stalin had corrupted the family gene pool prior to 1859, the year Bulgakov's father was born)?

Unfortunately, the National Theatre's new production of John Hodge's play about Bulgakov's last years - The Collaborators - appears to be singing from the Service song-book. (Please note that any negativity towards Robert Service's book is entirely unprejudiced. This blog is NOT written by O. Figes, his relatives, or his research assistants. O.F.). Hodge portrays Bulgakov as a noble, ever-so-slightly smug martyr perishing gradually on the pyre of apolitical aesthetics, then unexpectedly "invited" by the NKVD to write a play in honour of Stalin's forthcoming sixtieth birthday. If he agrees, his play Molière will be un-banned and staged; if he refuses, his beloved third wife, Elena, may be shot. Unable either to refuse categorically or to start composing, Bulgakov is summoned to a secret subterranean meeting with Joseph Stalin. Coyly outing himself as Bulgakov's 'number one fan', Stalin offers to ghostwrite the play if Bulgakov will sign the infamous directives authorizing collectivization, grain requisitions, interrogations and purges. Terrified, amused, and flattered by their pact, Bulgakov finds himself enjoying the material advantages of his new situation (a car with driver, hot running water), and even cautiously defending Stalin's policies - which are now, in equal measure, his own. Bulgakov's 'collaboration' on the play's text is limited to its final scene, written as a vicious exposé of his patron... and yet, illogically, this is represented as an irrevocable concession on the author's part. As Michael Billington's insightful Guardian review argues, Hodge's play jemmies Bulgakov into the role of a 'fatally compromised artist', and, as a result, 'its satire does not strike its intended target'.

The social polarization in this play - lovely, endangered intelligentsia versus knuckle-dragging secret police - is enough to send historians with a sense of nuance screaming into the woods. It's beautifully acted, but Englishly acted: Alex Jennings plays Bulgakov as a faintly pompous conscientious objector who obviously fagged at Eton, while Simon Russell Beale's joyfully disjunctive Stalin is a Lancashire farmer with a Jekyll and Hyde complex.
Although Jacqueline Defferary is a luminous choice for 'Madame Bulgakov', even her role exhales an air of crisp cucumber sandwiches and breakfast marmalade. Why the 'naive proletarian' character has to be Scottish is anyone's guess; why the hint that things weren't going to end well had to be headlined from halfway through the second act by a proliferation of the word 'fuck' is downright mysterious. What's more, I viewed The Collaborators as a stage performance broadcast to the cinema, a mode which allows the producers a unique opportunity for propaganda double-dip. Playwrights and directors necessarily manipulate presentation for emphasis and affect; the recording camera further pre-empts viewers' visual choices by determining perspectives, angles, and close-ups. The play becomes a case study in the science of 'breaking' a humanist intellectual - by means of manipulation, humiliation, and cumulative implication.


What will truly upset those with any knowledge of the period, of course, is why Hodge had to pick on Bulgakov. Weren't there enough real collaborators in 1930s Russia without selecting a genius who was unscrupulous enough to wish to remain both alive and professionally active? Julie Curtis, a British Bulgakov expert who advised on the play, admitted in print that Bulgakov's four-act play on Stalin's revolutionary youth, Batum, was the 'the one act which has come close to tarnishing his reputation' (particularly because it was NOT written under duress). She adds, however, that '[o]n the whole, Bulgakov can be said to have preserved his political integrity'; she gives the example of a letter Bulgakov wrote directly to Stalin in defence of his friend, the exiled playwright Nikolai Erdman (Curtis, Bulgakov's Last Decade, 1987, p.205), as late as 1938. In a diary entry for 17 August 1939, the day rehearsals for the play were abruptly and cruelly cancelled, Elena Bulgakova wrote in her diary that the excuse given for cancellation was that the fictionalization of Stalin was viewed from 'above' as unacceptable, and also as a transparent ruse to regain status. 'How could it be proved', she wrote, 'that M.A. had no intention of building any bridges, but simply wanted, as a dramatist, to write a play with material he found interesting because of the material, and with a hero, and that the play should not lie in his desk drawer, but should be performed on stage?!' (Manuscripts Don't Burn: A Life in Letters and Diaries, ed. Curtis, 1991, p. 288). Bulgakov had long resigned himself to the truth that his real work, his 'sunset novel', would remain unpublished.

John Hodge looking Stalinist
The Collaborators cleverly evokes The Master and Margarita (and Teatral'nyi roman) without ever mentioning either, by weaving (distorted) fragments from both Molière and Batum into its structure: two plays-within-a-play in apparent homage to Bulgakov's novel's alternation between historical fallacy and contemporary fantasy. One character even comments 'Didn't someone say manuscripts don't burn?'. The closing citation from Molière ('The reason for his death was the king's displeasure') is as poignantly profound as you wish to make it (although those aforementioned historians will have already left the building). Another silent but pervasive presence  is the agency which actually effects violence, punishment, and social transformation. Who runs the system? Stalin? Bulgakov? Is it Marcus Cunningham's lividly evil Stepa, the NKVD bodyguard-turned-psychopath? Is it the victims who 'collaborate' in their own destruction by signing false confessions? Make no mistake: The Collaborators is neither stupid nor simplistic. But it perpetuates a crime of conscience: turning its audience into collaborators in the defamation of a great twentieth-century author. Hodge recently had the front to 'insist' to the Guardian that 'this is Bulgakov's story, not his own'. It's neither.




Saturday, 24 September 2011

Bulgakov's Green Lamp

 
The green lamp in this photo is a very special object: it is Mikhail Bulgakov's original desk-lamp, rescued by museum curators from the attic of his house at 13 Andriivsky Uzviz in Kiev. It stands on Bulgakov's original desk, at a window overlooking the steep, cobbled street with its souvenir sellers, cafes, and crazily crooked, tumbledown houses (one of which was for sale, but my companion and I regretted we wouldn't be able to afford it). To the right, at the edge of the shot, is the window through which Nikolka Turbin crawls in the novel Belaia gvardiia (The White Guard, 1925), in order to conceal his elder brother's officer's pistol from the republican militia controlling Kiev; to the left, propped against the front window, is a photograph of Bulgakov's first wife, Tatiana Lappa. The Bulgakov family leased a flat on the first floor of this building between 1906 and 1919; the entire house is now a fascinating house-museum, with a trilingual website and an intriguing museum blog (I had never known before reading it that the dissident Soviet writer Viktor Nekrasov was born on the same street, albeit almost exactly twenty years after Bulgakov). Here also, the newly qualified Dr Bulgakov saw patients and dispensed medicines (his clinic was tucked into a cubbyhole on the corner of the first floor). Kiev is a beautiful city, but even if I didn't teach and translate Bulgakov I would have to say that Andriivsky Uzviz is one of its loveliest streets. From the height of golden-domed St Andrew's Church, the street curves steeply to the level of the River Dnieper. Broken paving and uneven cobbles faze neither local drivers, gunning uphill, nor pedestrians, involuntarily playing hopscotch amid piles of builders' sand. You can see why Bulgakov chose to make this house the prototype for the home of the Turbins, the educated middle-class heroes and heroines of his first novel, whose lives and happiness are threatened by the vicissitudes of civil war. This home on Andriivsy Uzviz becomes, in Bulgakov's novel, an oasis of domestic comfort, of peace, sympathy, and continuity. Within this mythos, however, the green lamp - or to speak more precisely, the lamp with a green shade - had special significance for Bulgakov. One of the museum staff told me that when Bulgakov moved to Moscow, he was careful to purchase an exactly similar lamp to remind him of home. As Edyth Haber argues persuasively in her article (sadly, JSTOR access only) 'The Lamp With the Green Shade: Mikhail Bulgakov and His Father' [Russian Review, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Oct., 1985), pp. 333-350], the image of such a lamp - repeated throughout Bulgakov's early fiction - symbolized his connection with his father's intellectual heritage and scholarly engagement. The lamp, however, transcends even this filial connection: it represents domesticity and harmony. This is very clear in various scenes from The White Guard. When Elena Turbina's no-good husband Talberg announces he's leaving with the Germans, Elena helps him pack his things. 'And then... and then it was horrible to be in the room, just as in any room, where things lie in chaos, and still worse, where the shade has been ripped off the lamp. Never! Never tear the shade from the lamp! The shade is sacred. [...] Beside the shade you doze, you read - let the snowstorm howl - you wait, until your visitors arrive' [My translation]. (One of the entertaining aspects of the Bulgakov museum is that you can see framed photographs of Varvara Bulgakova - Bulgakov's sister and the model for Elena - and her handsome cavalry officer husband Leonid Karum, the model for Talberg, who wasn't such a bad guy after all,despite a certain amount of  timely tergiversation). Similarly, a bronze lamp with a shade, along with the 'best bookshelves in the world', is one of the treasures of the Turbins' sitting-room.


Me with Misha
For me as a translator, a huge highlight of my visit to the museum was my encounter with Bulgakov's inscribed copy (above) of Aleksandr Chaianov's short story 'Venediktov' (1921), widely acknowledged as an inspiration for The Master and Margarita. The book was given to Bulgakov by Chaianov's illustrator Natalia Ushakova in 1925. You can read 'Venediktov' online in Russian here, while my translation will appear next year. Its hero is called Bulgakov - quite coincidentally. In addition, I really appreciated the minutely detailed knowledge and clearly affectionate dedication shown by the scholars working at the museum (although some of the non-professional tour guides are, sadly, jobsworths rather than cicerones of Bulgakov's memory). I was able to purchase a very interesting book of memoirs about Bulgakov by his Kiev contemporaries (M. Bulgakov: Kievskoe ekho, edited by A. Konchalovskii and S. Nozhenko, 2011), although sadly I had too few hryvnia to purchase the de luxe photo album of Bulgakov's Kiev. Best of all, however... the chance to meet the Master in person... although he wasn't very talkative, he was happy to pose with me for some photos. 
With thanks to Libraries at the Movies  for photos used on this page, and to the staff of the Bulgakov House Museum in Kiev for their patience and generosity.